Gebruiker:EffK~nlwiki

This User plays Tennis

3rd party Comment: "To sum that up: EffK was making substantive, verifiable claims which are not at all lunatic conspiracy theory; they are points which I, and other editors, are still working on - and I still find it valuable to communicate with EffK about them; the conduct of the editors who deleted and dismissed EffK's points also should be considered." 'Bengalski'

I am truly sorry I am not Dutch nor able to help the Dutch Wikipedia more than by showing verifications in English.

If you are capable of reading English I leave my name here in order for you to follow thru to my overleg for Effk.

I come here to help Wikipedia, a little. EffK 4 aug 2006 22:25 (CEST)

I have been prevented from correcting the information in nl.wp, and this is an example of correction by me to assist a translating future concerned editor. it was repeatedly removed from Hitler Overleg.

The actual achievement of the Dictatorship of 23 March 1933

Please do not remove as this is good faith sourceing/referencing in progress. if you do, I will have to call solution to what is a problem. I am working here-now. Attention... EffK 10 aug 2006 14:22 (CEST)

I EffK was asked to write re the Vote of 23 March 1933. I can back this up with soucre, and I will. Meanwhile this is the facts as they are, in simplest correct form that I know. The facts of Schroeder and the Magnates must also be given , concerning earlier rise to power before 30 January. The Hindenburg question must be included. Pleeaase do not say this is too long. The story is the story. This is it. Fit it in, please, but all of it, without absenting the actualities. The text is complex, in order to condense the actualities, and cannot be reduced, unless you are to miss those actualities. The Letter of Guarantee is the key, then and now.

Despite evident questions concerning the perpetration of the Reichstag Fire, and resulting calls for cancellation of the Elections[ref:Shirer p244], Adolf Hitler successfully utilised the full novel force of State broad-casting and aviation in a massive modern General Election campaign. This period is characterised by stongest anti-Jewish and anti-Communist propaganda . On 6 March, 1933, after elections marred by paramilitary violence the Communists lost 4 per cent, and Social Democrats 2 per cent, thus their Deputy numbers little changed. The Nazis received an increase to 43.9% of the vote. This brought the coalition between them and the DNVP into a slim but absolute majority.

Hitler's parliamentary majority basis that existed was however to be much exacerbated through the un-constitutional preventative-detention of the Communist deputies, carried over from before these last multi-party Elections. The manner in which Hitler excluded them and their mandates from the subesquent 21 March parliament revolves on an Interior Minister settlement with the Reichstag Elders. This amounted to a change of Procedure* categorising them as voluntarily absent and achieved thereby the necessary long-term Hitler aim of legal appearance for the NSDAP policy of subverting democracy from within. [*sourced german editor Str1977/unseen by EffK). The KPD was never foramlly banned by the Hitler regime [ref Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin p338 [3] ]

The Hitler government, from its first March post-Election Cabinet meeting, had prioritised the passage through the Reichstag of the Enabling Act that could give Hitler's Government absolute legislative powers. From this date parallel consideration was given towards the Treaty of the Reichskonkordat [ref:letter from Papen to von Bergen, translation as quoted in Scholder p.245]. The constitutional change foreseen by the Enabling Act required a two-thirds majority in order to pass and the Nazi -rightist coalition held 43%. The opportunistic nature of the Reichstag Fire Act of 28 Febuary had eliminated Communist Depuities and a quarter of the Socialist Party and now the remaining large Centre Party Bloc was vital to the issue of 2/3 majority. Its 18% vote would bring the condonation for the constitutional change demanded by Hitler, in the total absence of the Communists, and the opposition of the Socialists. The denominational[ref:] catholic Centre Party followed its chairman, Monsignor Kaas, a close associate of the Secretary of State at the Holy See, cardinal Eugenio pacelli|Paus Pius XII]] who had supported Hitler's leadership since 1931.

The Centre Party leadership negotiated with the Hitler-led coalition government between 17-22 march obtaining sundry guarantees to civil servants belonging to the Centre Party, along with freedom and autonomy of the Catholic Church schools. These written guarantees given, Kaas and Bruning together demanded a further constitutional guarantee against Hitler pre-empting the Presidential power of veto, and thereby obtaining complete power. This guarantee was agreed by Hitler[ ref:Wheeler-bennett.,Hindeburg p446], but Bruning insisted that, with his knowledge of Hitler promises[ref:ibid p 446], Kaas should obtain this promise in writing, On the fateful morning of the vote, Kaas balanced the Centre Party alternatives as between an assent in order to preserve a fracturing of the Centre party, against such assent coming at the cost of its very soul. Kaas as chairman did not advocate, being Chairman.

In the Reichstag, at Bruning's insistence, Kaas, before the Session of the 23 March, demanded again of Hitler the "Letter of Guarantee", to which Hitler responded that indeed he had signed the required letter, and that Kaas should apply to Frick, the Interior Minister. This Kaas did, and Frick claimed to Kaas that Yes, he had Hitler's signed Letter of Constitutional Guarantee in his portfolio, but that he, Frick, had yet to counter-sign it because of the pressure of parliamentary events, but that now, immediately, he would himself sign and produce the letter, with no worry for Kaas.

There followed the opening session during which Hitler carefully adhered to his same 21 march constitutionally controlled image[ ref:John Wheeler-Bennett, Hindenburg p 446], and his speech is remembered as referring to the Holy See and future satisfactory relations with both that and the majority Christian denomination. The speech was carefully designed to foster the image of Hilter as national custodian, at the apex of the resurgent nation. However following this openeing speech, the Socialist Otto Wels gave a Socialist denunciation saying

"We german Social Democrats pledge ourselves solemnly in this historic hour to the principles of humanity and justice, of freedom and socialism. No enabling acy can give you the power to destroy ideas which are eternal and indestructible." [ref:Shirer 249] The Socialist Leader Otto Wels' speech broke the bounds of Hitler self-control. With Papen himself attempting restraint[ref:John Wheeler-Bennett.Hindenburg , 1936, p 44], Hitler rose to the attack and harangued the entire Reichstag with menace and threat against the lives of all Socialists, who should thenceforth be dealt with as severely as he had done with the absent Communists.

At this point, Kaas rose to record his Party's Bloc vote (including the BVP), having spoken earlier of his party being prepared to assent after putting aside varous considerations. At the last, again a demand had been sent for the "Letter of Guarantee", and again receiving the assurance that only now was it being typed up, and would be forthcoming. In fact the letter was never given, and the condonatory vote was given by Kaas despite the agreement between Kaas and Bruning. The question has ever since then been posed as to whether Kaas was indeed still so naive as to believe this Hitler 'promise', or whether the vote was given in terror from the surrounding menace of the S.A[Wheeler-Bennett, p 447] A third question arose , following WWII, as to whether Kaas' neutrality and Kaas' own relationship to the wishes o the Holy See affected this vote[ref: Mowrer [4]. All historians who have followed upion the researches and testimonials of the subsequent Nuremburg Trials, have included suggestion that Kaas somehow acted as double representative, both as Centre Chairman and porte-parôle for the Holy See. This suggests an actual co-ordination between the Kaas vote and the Kaas-influenced Hitler speech which pre-figured the then subsequent German Reichskonkordat with the Holy See.[ref KvKlemperer @ [5]

A letter was received later by the various Centre Party Leaders. Kaas himself had left for Rome the next day, and remained there until the 31 March, involved with affairs of two Belgian seceded Towns, Eupen and Malmedy. Kaas also continued to pave the way for the vatican's desired Reichskonkordat. This Letter received however was from President Hindenburg, assuring the Centre Leadership of a gentleman's agreement not to exceed Hindenburg's powers. Hitler himself gave no assurances.

The passage of the Act of 23 march is accompanied by the Presidential signing of the Special Courts Decree , which instituted the loss of open trials and thus laid the basis for the Gestapo. Together with the parliamentar abndonment, the loss of civil liberties from the Fire Decree was compounded by the Government's legal imposition of any legislation. Hilter had achieved complete un-checked power and everything was legal, except the arrest of the Communist and some Socialist Deputies (whose Constitutional Sovereignty had been ignored)[ ref:Shirer p249].

Sources remain to be linked, willdo. EffK 10 aug 2006 02:02 (CEST)